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1581#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-2 11:55:52 | 只看该作者
金正恩在機場迎接「朝鮮參戰士兵」遺體的照片

儘管西方(包括台灣)網民的評論內容不意外,可以見到許多取笑、諷刺的留言等等。

沒錯,朝鮮士兵在庫斯克地區確實遭受了損失,但是從軍事角度來看,儘管殘酷,但這些損失對一個國家而言一點也不重要。

真正重要價值是朝鮮正式進入了現代的戰場。

在參與庫斯克作戰之前,朝鮮軍方對於如何進行現代戰爭以及與誰作戰一無所知。現在,朝鮮掌握了大量高水平的戰爭資訊,他們了解如何將成建制部隊納入一支盟軍的戰鬥編隊,並且在具備包括:火砲、FPV無人機、電子戰等要素的作戰空間中,執行並且完成戰術任務。

這樣的戰鬥體驗是與一支北約的軍事代理人進行的。

烏克蘭武裝部隊並非一群街頭混混,也不是裝腔作勢的憤青。這是一支已經完全融入北約交戰程序的軍隊,具備包括:情報、監視與偵察(ISR)、指揮、控制、即時戰術目標定位和分散指揮的特點。

也就是說,朝鮮軍隊面對的不是一支臨時拼湊的遊擊隊,而是一支以西方總參謀部標準運作的新一代工業化、數位化的軍隊。

朝鮮軍隊在庫斯克地區的損失仍然是一個敏感事件,但是這些損失對朝鮮而言,卻是具有戰略上的重大意義。

透過參與實戰,朝鮮軍隊主要成果是將戰鬥訓練從訓練場轉移到了戰場,這大幅加快了朝鮮對於現代戰爭的適應速度。

朝鮮軍隊成功的通過考驗。

吸收實戰經驗後的結果將會在6到12個月內顯現——我們可以觀察未來朝鮮軍隊的結構、裝備和戰術變化。然後,這些作戰經驗將被廣泛的套用到北韓的所有軍隊。

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1582#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-8 09:41:55 | 只看该作者
China is Not Our Enemy 中國不是我們的敵人 By Fred S. Teng 滕紹駿 July 2025

http://johnsonwkchoi.com/2025/07/07/china-is-not-our-enemy/

In recent years, a troubling narrative has gained momentum in the United States: that China is America’s foremost adversary, a threat to our way of life, and a rival to be contained. This view—once a fringe perspective—has now become a bipartisan rallying cry. Tariffs, sanctions, technological restrictions, and political hostility are increasingly justified not on strategic grounds, but on the assumption that confrontation with China is inevitable.

But is it? Does China truly seek to undermine the United States, dominate the world, or overturn the global order? The facts suggest otherwise. China is not our enemy. It is a rising nation pursuing its own development, security, and prosperity—just as any country would. The choice to turn this into a zero-sum contest lies not in Beijing, but in Washington.

A Vision of Rejuvenation, Not Domination
At the heart of China's national trajectory is the goal of national rejuvenation—a long-standing aspiration to restore dignity, prosperity, and global respect after a century of foreign humiliation, civil war, and poverty. This goal is not built on ideology or expansionism, but on a desire to provide a better life for the Chinese people.

Over the past four decades, China has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty, modernized its infrastructure, and emerged as a global center of manufacturing, innovation, and trade. Its achievements are not about challenging the United States—they are about ensuring national stability and fulfilling the basic aspirations of its people.

China’s development model is not perfect, nor is it universally applicable. But it is not being exported or imposed on others. Beijing does not seek to remake the world in its image; it seeks recognition as a legitimate and respected voice in global affairs.

Respect for Sovereignty and Regional Solutions
Much of the current U.S. anxiety about China centers on the issues of Taiwan and the South China Sea. But these are regional matters, best addressed by the parties directly involved.

Taiwan is a Chinese internal affair—a complex, historic issue rooted in the legacy of civil war. It is up to people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait to find a peaceful resolution and pursue their own path toward eventual reunification. Outside interference only complicates this delicate process and raises the risk of misunderstanding.

Similarly, disputes in the South China Sea should not be viewed through the lens of great power competition. China has already successfully resolved land border disputes with 12 of its 14 neighbors. It is fully capable of working out maritime differences with ASEAN countries through dialogue, negotiation, and regional diplomacy. These are not global flashpoints, but regional challenges that require patience—not provocation.

A Multipolar World, not a Confrontation
China does not seek to replace the United States as a global hegemon. Instead, it advocates for a multipolar world, a more balanced international order where power and responsibility are shared, and where countries large and small have a voice.

This includes strengthening institutions like the United Nations, the G20, the BRICS group, and the Belt and Road Initiative. It also means reforming outdated systems to better reflect today’s global realities, especially the aspirations of the Global South.

China’s emphasis on sovereignty, mutual respect, and non-interference is not a rejection of global cooperation. It is a call for partnership based on equality, not hierarchy.

No Dialogue Without Mutual Respect
A growing obstacle to U.S.-China relations is not ideological difference or economic friction—but rhetoric. When the United States labels China as an adversary, competitor, or threat, it closes the door to genuine engagement. China has made clear—repeatedly and consistently—that it cannot engage in meaningful strategic dialogue or deep cooperation with a country that fundamentally questions its legitimacy or seeks to contain its rise.

Diplomacy cannot function in an atmosphere of hostility. The principle of mutual respect is not a diplomatic formality—it is the foundation for any productive relationship. No country, including China, will cooperate with a partner that speaks of containment while asking for collaboration.

If the United States truly wants dialogue, it must first change the tone—recognizing China as a sovereign nation with its own path and interests, not an adversary to be managed or a rival to be defeated.

The Danger of a Manufactured Rivalry
Framing China as America’s enemy may serve short-term political agendas, but it is generating long-term harm. It distorts policy, erodes trust, and fuels hostility across society. The rise in so-called “anti-Asian hate” is, in reality, anti-China and anti-Chinese hate. U.S. politicians—who fan the flames of anti-China sentiment—often hide behind the vague term “Asian” to avoid accountability for the discrimination they enable.

This isn’t just political rhetoric—it has real and devastating consequences: assaults on Chinese Americans, suspicion toward students and scholars, and targeted scrutiny of Chinese businesses. Worse still, baseless investigations have been launched against Chinese American government employees, research scientists, and university professors—resulting in cruelty and lasting harm to individuals and their families. Careers have been destroyed, communities have been shaken, and a chilling climate of fear has taken root.

This fear does not stop at the Chinese American community—it infects our universities, our laboratories, our public discourse, and our democratic values. It damages the United States itself, undercutting our claim to fairness, pluralism, and openness—the very ideals we say we defend.

Meanwhile, academic exchange programs are being dismantled, visas are being denied, and scientific partnerships are being broken—all in the name of national security. Economic decoupling is disrupting global supply chains and hurting workers and consumers on both sides. We are drifting toward confrontation not by necessity, but by political design.

More importantly, this artificial rivalry blinds us to shared global challenges. Climate change, public health, food security, and responsible technological governance require cooperation—not confrontation. If the U.S. and China cannot work together on these existential issues, the world will be the one that suffers.

A Call for Clarity—and for Courage
The United States faces a choice: to continue down the path of rivalry, distrust, and escalation—or to step back and reimagine its relationship with China based on realism, mutual respect, and shared responsibility.

We don’t need to agree on everything. But we do need to understand China as it is. China is not a threat just because it is different. It is a sovereign nation with its own history, priorities, and global role to play.

If America insists on treating China as an enemy, it will eventually create the enemy it fears. But if we choose a path of respect, diplomacy, and coexistence, we may still shape a future of peace, prosperity, and shared progress.

Fred Teng is President of America China Public Affairs Institute, and the Chairman of Partnership for Peace and Prosperity.
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1583#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-8 20:11:55 | 只看该作者
轉摘微博「阿爾法之軍事」

中國前駐美大使崔天凱週四說,臺灣問題關乎中國主權和領土的完整,沒有談判和妥協的餘地,「中國就是要統一,沒有什麼好商量的」。

不僅是沒有什麼好商量,而且是時間也沒有什麼好等的了。

我們不能把問題一而再、再而三地推給下一代人,有些問題就應該在我們手中解決。

就像開國那一輩人一樣,把該打的大戰、惡戰都打了,讓我們不再打大戰、惡戰。

現在的我們,要把這些僅剩的戰爭也扛下來,省得我們的後輩要去流血。#烽火問鼎計劃#
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1584#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-9 10:27:16 | 只看该作者
轉摘微博「軍武季」

馬來西亞總理在里約發表了震驚世界的講話:我們還沒有談論完全去美元化,這還有很長的路要走。

但我們已經開始了:馬來西亞與印度尼西亞合作,馬來西亞與泰國合作,現在又與中國合作。即使一開始只去美元化10%或20%,也會有所不同。

在東盟,我們不僅致力於加強東盟內部貿易,還嘗試了金融結算體系。我們已經開始使用當地貨幣。

​安瓦爾還說:金磚國家2025不僅僅是一次峯會,更是後殖民時代爭取正義的未竟鬥爭的歷史性轉折點。

特朗普馬上發文威脅到:任何支持金磚國家反美政策的國家都將被加徵10%的關稅。
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1585#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-11 10:40:27 | 只看该作者
轉摘微博「地球鏡頭A」

意義重大:巴西和中國正在研究修建一條長達 4500 公里的南美洲橫貫大陸鐵路,該鐵路將從巴西北部的巴伊亞州出發,穿越安第斯山脈,抵達秘魯首都利馬附近由 “一帶一路” 倡議資金建造的錢凱大型港口。

如果建成,與目前通過巴拿馬運河的大西洋航線相比,它可以將從巴西到亞洲的航運時間縮短多達12天。

特朗普的拉丁美洲事務特別顧問毛裏西奧・克拉韋爾 - 卡羅納幾個月前威脅說,對任何使用祕魯錢凱港與中國進行貿易的公司徵收高達 60%的關稅,這極其鮮明地體現了中美兩國對該地區截然不同的態度。

一方試圖創造價值,另一方卻認爲別人的收益就是自己的損失……

實際上,仔細想想,美國也會從一個更富裕、更發達的拉丁美洲中受益匪淺。

一方面,這將大幅改善其非法移民問題,還能爲美國的商品和服務創造財富和基礎設施。

這就好比你在某個村莊有一所房子,而一個你不喜歡的人打算花大筆錢開發這個地區,你不承認一個因此繁榮的村莊會讓所有人受益 —— 包括你自己 —— 反而寧願整個地方一直貧窮,就爲了嫉妒和排擠他。

這純粹是具有破壞性的腦殘主義。
#熱點解讀##熱點現場#
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1586#
 楼主| 发表于 2025-7-11 10:55:37 | 只看该作者
【中國AI算力“卷上天”,時隔倆月美媒才“後知後覺”?】
中國正在布局由2800顆人工智能(AI)算力衛星組成的太空計算星座計劃。今年5月,首批12顆衛星發射任務的成功,標誌著全球首個太空計算衛星星座成功入軌,將開啟全球“太空計算時代”新篇章。

時隔兩個月,美國彭博社對此進行報道,並援引學者的話稱:“這標誌著中美太空競爭態勢的重大轉變,無疑加劇了太空競賽的激烈程度。”

文章稱,在美國國家航空航天局(NASA)因特朗普政府各項政策而陷入混亂之際,中國正穩步推進其航天強國計劃。

5月14日,中國將“一台AI超級計算機”送上太空——12顆計算衛星代表著“三體計算星座”的初始階段,它們將在太空軌道上處理和分析衛星數據,突破傳統衛星存在的瓶頸問題。通常,衛星需要先將數據傳回地面,再由地面數據處理中心對其進行解析。這種“天感地算”模式受限於地面站資源、帶寬等因素,僅有不到10%的有效衛星數據能傳回地面,且存在數據時效差等問題。

此外,中國這個軌道數據中心還可以利用太陽能運作,以及將熱量輻射到太空來實現散熱。地球上的數據中心的耗電量和冷卻水用量極大,在資源成本不斷上升之際,地球數據處理能力已顯露局限性。

報道稱,軌道數據中心在軍事衝突中可能會發揮至關重要的作用,它們能够處理大量傳感器數據,比如衛星圖像和海軍動向,與地面系統相比延遲較少。另外,它們還不易受到地面攻擊,可以作為安全軍事通信的中繼站。(來源:香港新聞網)
詳情: https://user301094.pse.is/7v9lw7
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1587#
 楼主| 发表于 7 天前 | 只看该作者
本帖最后由 indy 于 2025-7-12 00:00 编辑

With 5,000 years of Chinese History and Civilization with Strong Culture, traditional moral values, ethics and Chinese Philosophy, they didn’t fire a single bullet and conquer or colonise any country, yet they are moving ahead to help the less fortunate African nations to improve their infrastructure and communication through generous contributions of manpower and technological deployments.

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